The enemies of the popular revolution: the dictatorial regime and the counter revolutionary reactionary force


Around two weeks ago, from the date of the famous Geneva Conference 2, which will give birth to a stillborn, a war was waged by Islamist groups and battalions of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) against the reactionary and fascist group of ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, or Da3ech, according to its Arabic acronym). affiliated with Al-Qaida,

It is necessary to remind that the popular movement was not – especially since last year – subject only to the violence and the unprecedented brutality of the bourgeois dictatorial regime, but was also subjected to the double repression of armed Islamist groups, whose degree of extremism and violence against militants and activists of the popular movement, and also against the popular movement itself, vary from one group to another through the arrests of activists according to various reasons: social practices considered by these reactionary groups as contrary to the teachings of their vision of Islam, such as smoking cigarettes, dresses. Da3ech also shot and arrested demonstrators, or even assassinated numerous activists and some cadres of the FSA known for their commitment to the principles of the popular revolution. The worst of these brutal and reactionary violence actions were committed on a large scale by Da3ech. This led to widespread reaction against the groups to the point where they lost all popular support. Terror and oppression were the only means left to them to impose their control over some areas, particularly in Raqqa, Rif-Idlib and Aleppo. Unrest and popular anger against this group affected even what remains of FSA brigades that still uphold the program of the Syrian revolution demanding emancipation, democracy, equality and social justice.Da3ech pursued a mad ambition to impose its control over many areas that were freed from the control of the regime. This led it to attack brigades of the FSA and even reactionary Islamist factions with whom it shares the same ideological references and attempt to impose on the population a very reactionary political, ideological and social model based on the “principle” of “struggle against evil”. It was at this moment that the “Army of Islam” was established and then the “Islamic Front” in late November 2013 with a reactionary political program comparable to Da3ech ideological thoughts. The Islamic Front actually announced their refusal of “democracy, secularism and civil state » while struggling for a state which sovereignty has to be based on the Shariah as the sole reference, and as the government addressing and organizing the behaviors of individual and of the society and of the State.

Then was born the ” Revolutionaries Front in Syria ‘, composed of some Islamic factions and several brigades of the FSA in order to” establish a good Islamic governance ». There also has been an attempt to promote Jabhat al Nusra as better than Da3ech, despite the fact they are issued from the same reactionary ideology, have the same fascist practices and are both affiliated to al-Qaeda.

The ongoing war between the armed forces is primarily designed to control zones of influence in liberated areas and to try to establish and impose an ideological hegemony on the population through medieval forms of organization, such as « Shariah committees ». The Islamic Front, for example, the largest in terms of number, follows the jihadist Salafist political thoughts advocated by the reactionary regime in Saudi Arabia. For this, we can safely say that – except for a few brigades of the FSA, which have been weakened and marginalized in recent months – that the real objective of rival groups in conflict with Da3ech is not to restore the objectives of the popular revolution to overthrow the regime and establish a free and democratic Syria. They are reactionary forces, motivated by ideological, military and political rivalries to share, if it is not to reach a monopoly of control, of liberated areas.

This bloody conflict, in which the Syrian masses once again are paying the price, helped to expose the jihadist Salafist, intellectually and politically. It has also demonstrated its ravages and monstrosity especially when it is able to impose its domination and implement, even for a short time, its practices. It is safe to believe that many of those who supported Salafist policies or those who remain in their spheres deviated from it realizing they were wrong, or because they were forced to support it by necessity or coercion.

However, the current conflict, on the one hand, increased the opportunity to weaken the reactionary forces and secondly to refresh the independent revolutionary consciousness of the masses. But also to encourage a new start for the popular movement after a period of decline last year as a result of the dual repression of the regime and reactionary counter revolutionary forces as mentioned earlier. In this aspect, the ongoing conflict does not lack of positive aspects. It has not only succeeded in undermining the rule of Da3ech and reduce its repression against the popular movement, but it will most likely lead to the weakening of its sisters factions in other reactionary groups. We are witnessing a revival of popular initiatives after a bitter experience with these reactionary factions. These latter have revealed themselves as a true enemy of the mass struggle and their sacrifices for emancipation.

This revival of the popular movement is also witnessed through the upsurge in popular protests in “liberated” “liberated” at the beginning of the conflict against Da3ch and against its rivals among Islamic reactionary factions. This is why we do not bet on the winning of one of these reactionary factions, but we rely on the continuation of the revolution and its victory. We bet on the revolutionary popular movement in addition to the brigades of the armed popular resistance in the FSA who continue to identify to the objectives of the popular revolution, for its continuity and for the overthrow of the rule of the ruling junta. In its ongoing process, it became clear that the revolution is facing multiple enemies. Firstly, the dictatorial regime and its allies, and secondly reactionary forces hostile to the revolution and their fascist regional allies powers.

On this occasion we condemn the false and dangerous political position of certain structures of the soft liberal opposition linked to some countries of the region that consider the elimination of Da3ech, in addition to the Democratic Union of Kurdistan, as the elimination of all counter-revolutionaries forces,in their eyes. A Da3ech can hide another Da3ech. We call for a broad alliance against two fascisms, of the Salafi jihadists and of the bloody dictatorial regime, around the slogans of the Syrian revolution for freedom, equality, democracy and social justice.

We know that the path for achieving the goals of the revolution is long, difficult and that it will witness victories and setbacks. We are nevertheless absolutely convinced that the flame of the revolution that pushed the masses of workers to rebel will not be turned off until the completion of its demands for emancipation. This requires the revolutionary left in Syria, who hoisted the banner of socialism, of working tirelessly in the context of this complex revolutionary process and is committed for many tasks, the most important are the practical commitment to all the struggles of the masses, anywhere and at any time to defend their demands and their direct and common interests, and at the same time to build the revolutionary socialist workers party.

All power and wealth to the people!

Revolutionary Left Current in Syria

Damascus, January 15 2014

Arabic version :بيان-اعداء-الثورة-الشعبية-النظام-الد/


2 thoughts on “The enemies of the popular revolution: the dictatorial regime and the counter revolutionary reactionary force

  1. Syria: the Struggle Continues
    “Day of Rage Against Al-Qaeda & Assad”

    Since nearly three years that an uprising broke out in Syria (as a local materialization of the upheavals shaking the whole regions of Maghreb and Mashreq) most of the reactions, comments and critics from militant structures which claim to be revolutionary, internationalist, communist, anarchist… go in the same direction: doubts about what happens, doubts about essential material determinations that give birth to the movements that develop in front of our eyes, doubts about the class nature of these events, doubts about the potentially subversive content of struggles of our class when it doesn’t wave the “good” flags, etc.

    Those doubts have been strengthened since the conflict turned into “militarization of the revolution” (as many say) and hijacking of our movement by “opposition democratic forces” and several trends of jihadists, Salafis and other Islamists. But as a militant from Palestine expressed:

    “So yes, the Syrian Revolution was indeed hijacked, and we know that there are many Salafis, many jihadists and many other groups, and many pro-America and pro-imperialist groups that tried to hijack the Syrian Revolution. But that does not by any means tarnish the Syrian Revolution, and it also doesn’t mean that just because a revolutionary movement was hijacked that we should stand on the sidelines and stop supporting it. Of course there are still so many revolutionaries working on the ground […] and there are even many non-sectarian armed brigades that we cannot ignore. If the revolution was hijacked we don’t just go and start blaming the people for it being hijacked. We actually do everything to side with the people in order to get the revolution back on the right track. And this is what many leftists couldn’t under-stand.” (1)

    No revolution in class struggles’ turbulent and violent history ever started with “the good flag”, with “the correct mottos”, with a preestablished and clear “consciousness” of goals and perspectives. All the practical and programmatic advances were built up in painful confrontation with the counterrevolution organized as a strong force.

    As we already touched on in our previous leaflets about the struggles in Syria (2), as soon as the government forces are driven away from a city or a region, as capitalism loathes vacuum, new forces, new parties and unions settle to manage the situation and to avoid that it goes off a strict reformist framework. Among these institutions we firstly find various Islamist groups which take in charge the repression against militant structures set up by the movement of struggle. Checks in the streets, arrests, imprisonments, tortures and summary executions of militants, severe sentences by “Islamic courts”, implementation of Sharia law, repression of daily demonstrations against these “new masters”; since Spring 2013 proletarians living in “liberated areas” have been pointing the finger at these Islamist enemies and denounce them just as badly off as the thugs of Baath regime. Among these jihadist groups one of the most virulent and hated by the whole population is the group which claims to be the “Islamic State of Iraq and Sham” (ISIS) affiliated to the international network Al-Qaeda.

    As a result of series of very harsh blows against structures of the movement (like the assault on December 28th, 2013 against militants in the town of Kafranbel – generally known as the “conscience of the revolution” in the light of the important propaganda activity developed there) many proletarians massively took to the streets last Friday January 3rd, 2014 in the provinces of Aleppo, Idlib, Raqqa (in the north and northeast of the country) to express their contempt for ISIS. The movement even escalated and occurred in regions where ISIS has limited presence (such as Damascus suburbs and Deraa in the south of the country). Repression was obviously fierce: ISIS militiamen countered assaults of proletarians against their various headquarters while shooting at the angry crowd. The protest movement has developed during all the next week and militants called for a “Day of Rage” on Friday January 10th against both Al-Qaeda in Syria and the regime.

    In the process of the street protests several “rebel brigades” also took a stand, some while probably defending the interests of the movement, others while once again trying to use it in order to defend and promote their own interests to conquer the State power on the ruins of Baath regime.

    “On the military front a full scale war is also being waged against ISIS. On 3 January groups affiliated to the Free Syrian Army as well as the newly formed Islamic Front and Jaysh Al Mujahidiin started to engage in fierce battles with ISIS, driving out the group from many strongholds in the north, and capturing a large number of ISIS fighters. As of 7 January, twitter reports from activists suggested that ISIS had been driven out of 10 locations in Aleppo, 6 locations in Idlib, 3 in Deir Al Zour and 1 in Hama. Some areas liberated from ISIS, such as Manbej and Binnish have been subjected to fierce shelling by the Assad regime following rebel takeover, leading in the case of Binnish to ISIS being able to retake the town and increasing speculation of military coordination between ISIS and the regime. ISIS has shown it is not leaving without a fight, committing a massacre against FSA troops in Rastan. On 6 January ISIS executed 50 prisoners it was holding in detention in Aleppo including women and activists as well as executing detainees in Harem, Idlib before pulling out of the area. There are also concerns that ISIS withdrawal from some areas, whilst bringing in reinforcements from elsewhere, may be indicative that they are now preparing a counteroffensive.” (3)

    Indeed the fact that the government air force bombed areas liberated from the influence of ISIS only strengthens and confirms rumors going around since months that the Baath regime would be hand in glove with this “Islamic State” and other Islamist groups:

    “(…) when the regime has carried out onslaughts against Raqqa and Aleppo, its attacks have been on civilian (mainly working class) neighbourhoods and not on ISIS positions or headquarters. The ISIS headquarters in Al Raqqa are stationed in the largest building in the city so they are not difficult to miss, but instead regime airstrikes target schools killing students. ISIS has acted as a scapegoat for the regime’s attack on a popular uprising. Assad’s prisons are full of secular, civilian, non-violent activists whilst Al Qaeda affiliated prisoners were released in the early days of the revolution.” (Idem)

    The task of the revolutionaries, the communists, who have absolutely no different interest than other prole-tarians, is always to put forward the activities in rupture with the present state of things, to act so that the movement of struggle of our class pushes always more in clarifying its objectives and perspectives. We have nothing to expect from an alliance with any faction that defends the global interests of capitalism organized as a State. And in this sense we can only quote once again this Syrian militant on the movement armament issue and the illusions some proletarians can have:

    “It is likely that most fighters are drawn to the Islamic Front because it has access to the military assistance and foreign support that has been denied to the Free Syrian Army rather than shared ideology. Undoubtedly, the formation of the Islamic Front and unification of large and powerful military brigades can bring about a military advantage in the fight against Assad. But winning the battle against the regime (and Al Qaeda) is not the same as achieving the goals of the revolution.” (idem)

    One of the great lessons that our movement of subversion of this world drew from the confrontation between revolution and counterrevolution in Spain during the years 1936-37 is precisely that while allying with a “lesser evil” (a more progressive faction of the bourgeoisie, a “popular front”) we don’t speed up the defense of our class interests but on the contrary we take part to the defeat of revolution and its crushing.

    Anyway we can only once again greet the proletarians in struggle who, far from submitting to the diktats of their new rulers, continue the struggle despite the quasi-generalized ignorance from the rest of the world. This new development in the dynamics of struggle is what this Syrian militant describes on her blog as “revolution within the revolution”. (Idem)

    January 2014

    1. Palestine and the Syrian Revolution
    2. Again and again more Blood-Baath in Syria
    Airstrikes Threat On Syria! Third World War? No War But The Class War!
    3. ‘Revolution within the revolution’: The battle against ISIS

  2. The democratic local organizations of workers and farmers need to participate in the military struggle, and lead it. The democratic local organizations of the workers and farmers need to coordinate their efforts on a country-wide scale — in the liberated areas, in the regime-controlled areas, in the refugee camps — and lead the struggle for power. The alternative to the murderous Assad regime must be a revolutionary democratic government of workers and farmers. That is the program on which the revolutionary socialist workers party can be built.

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